Wednesday, July 01, 2015


by Frederick Douglas

Fellow citizens, pardon me, and allow me to ask, why am I called upon to speak here today? What have I or those I represent to do with your national independence? Are the great principles of political freedom and of natural justice, embodied in that Declaration of Independence, extended to us? And am I, therefore, called upon to bring our humble offering to the national altar, and to confess the benefits, and express devout gratitude for the blessings resulting from your independence to us?

Would to God, both for your sakes and ours, that an affirmative answer could be truthfully returned to these questions. Then would my task be light, and my burden easy and delightful. For who is there so cold that a nation’s sympathy could not warm him? Who so obdurate and dead to the claims of gratitude, that would not thankfully acknowledge such priceless benefits? Who so stolid and selfish that would not give his voice to swell the hallelujahs of a nation’s jubilee, when the chains of servitude had been torn from his limbs? I am not that man. In a case like that, the dumb might eloquently speak, and the “lame man leap as an hart.”

But such is not the state of the case. I say it with a sad sense of disparity between us. I am not included within the pale of this glorious anniversary!

Your high independence only reveals the immeasurable distance between us.

The blessings in which you this day rejoice are not enjoyed in common. The rich inheritance of justice, liberty, prosperity, and independence bequeathed by your fathers is shared by you, not by me. The sunlight that brought life and healing to you has brought stripes and death to me. This Fourth of July is yours, not mine.

You may rejoice, I must mourn. To drag a man in fetters into the grand illuminated temple of liberty, and call upon him to join you in joyous anthems, were inhuman mockery and sacrilegious irony.

Do you mean, citizens, to mock me, by asking me to speak today? If so, there is a parallel to your conduct. And let me warn you, that it is dangerous to copy the example of a nation (Babylon) whose crimes, towering up to heaven, were thrown down by the breath of the Almighty, burying that nation in irrecoverable ruin.

Fellow citizens, above your national, tumultuous joy, I hear the mournful wail of millions, whose chains, heavy and grievous yesterday, are today rendered more intolerable by the jubilant shouts that reach them. If I do forget, if I do not remember those bleeding children of sorrow this day, “may my right hand forget her cunning, and may my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth!”

To forget them, to pass lightly over their wrongs and to chime in with the popular theme would be treason most scandalous and shocking, and would make me a reproach before God and the world.

My subject, then, fellow citizens, is “American Slavery.” I shall see this day and its popular characteristics from the slave’s point of view.

Standing here, identified with the American bondman, making his wrongs mine, I do not hesitate to declare, with all my soul, that the character and conduct of this nation never looked blacker to me than on this Fourth of July.

Whether we turn to the declarations of the past, or to the professions of the present, the conduct of the nation seems equally hideous and revolting. America is false to the past, false to the present, and solemnly binds herself to be false to the future.

Standing with God and the crushed and bleeding slave on this occasion, I will, in the name of
humanity, which is outraged, in the name of liberty, which is fettered, in the name of the Constitution and the Bible, which are disregarded and trampled upon, dare to call in question and to denounce, with all the emphasis I can command, everything that serves to perpetuate slavery — the great sin and shame of America! “I will not equivocate – I will not excuse.” I will use the severest language I can command, and yet not one word shall escape me that any man, whose judgment is not blinded by prejudice, or who is not at heart a slave-holder, shall not confess to be right and just.

But I fancy I hear some of my audience say it is just in this circumstance that you and your brother Abolitionists fail to make a favorable impression on the public mind. Would you argue more and denounce less, would you persuade more and rebuke less, your cause would be much more likely to succeed. But, I submit, where all is plain there is nothing to be argued. What point in the anti-slavery creed would you have me argue? On what branch of the subject do the people of this country need light? Must I undertake to prove that the slave is a man? That point is conceded already. Nobody doubts it. The slave-holders themselves acknowledge it in the enactment of laws for their government. They acknowledge it when they punish disobedience on the part of the slave.

There are seventy-two crimes in the State of Virginia, which, if committed by a black man (no matter how ignorant he be), subject him to the punishment of death; while only two of these same crimes will subject a white man to like punishment.

What is this but the acknowledgment that the slave is a moral, intellectual, and responsible being? The manhood of the slave is conceded. It is admitted in the fact that Southern statute books are covered with enactments, forbidding, under severe fines and penalties, the teaching of the slave to read and write.

When you can point to any such laws in reference to the beasts of the field, then I may consent to argue the manhood of the slave. When the dogs in your streets, when the fowls of the air, when the cattle on your hills, when the fish of the sea, and the reptiles that crawl, shall be unable to distinguish the slave from a brute, then I will argue with you that the slave is a man!

For the present it is enough to affirm the equal manhood of the Negro race. Is it not astonishing that, while we are plowing, planting, and reaping, using all kinds of mechanical tools, erecting houses, constructing bridges, building ships, working in metals of brass, iron, copper, silver, and gold; that while we are reading, writing, and ciphering, acting as clerks, merchants, and secretaries, having
among us lawyers, doctors, ministers, poets, authors, editors, orators, and teachers; that we are engaged in all the enterprises common to other men — digging gold in California, capturing the whale in the Pacific, feeding sheep and cattle on the hillside, living, moving, acting, thinking, planning, living in families as husbands, wives, and children, and above all, confessing and worshipping the Christian God, and looking hopefully for life and immortality beyond the grave — we are called upon to prove that we are men?
Would you have me argue that man is entitled to liberty?

That he is the rightful owner of his own body? You have already declared it. Must I argue the wrongfulness of slavery?

Is that a question for republicans? Is it to be settled by the rules of logic and argumentation, as a matter beset with great difficulty, involving a doubtful application of the principle of justice, hard to understand? How should I look today in the presence of Americans, dividing and subdividing a discourse, to show that men have a natural right to freedom, speaking of it relatively and positively, negatively and affirmatively? To do so would be to make myself ridiculous, and to offer an insult to your understanding. There is not a man beneath the canopy of heaven who does not know that slavery is wrong for him.

What! Am I to argue that it is wrong to make men brutes, to rob them of their liberty, to work them without wages, to keep them ignorant of their relations to their fellow men, to beat them with sticks, to flay their flesh with the lash, to load their limbs with irons, to hunt them with dogs, to sell them at auction, to sunder their families, to knock out their teeth, to burn their flesh, to starve them into obedience and submission to their masters? Must I argue that a system thus marked with blood and stained with pollution is wrong? No – I will not. I have better employment for my time and strength than such arguments would imply.

What, then, remains to be argued? Is it that slavery is not divine; that God did not establish it; that our doctors of divinity are mistaken? There is blasphemy in the thought. That which is inhuman cannot be divine. Who can reason on such a proposition? They that can, may – I cannot. The time for such argument is past.

At a time like this, scorching irony, not convincing argument, is needed. Oh! had I the ability, and could I reach the nation’s ear, I would today pour out a fiery stream of biting ridicule, blasting reproach, withering sarcasm, and stern rebuke. For it is not light that is needed, but fire; it is not the gentle shower, but thunder.

We need the storm, the whirlwind, and the earthquake. The feeling of the nation must be quickened; the conscience of the nation must be roused; the propriety of the nation must be startled; the hypocrisy of the nation must be exposed; and its crimes against God and man must be denounced.

What to the American slave is your Fourth of July? I answer, a day that reveals to him more than all other days of the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. To him your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty an unholy license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; your sounds of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mock; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanksgivings, with all your religious parade and solemnity, are to him mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisy – a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages. There is not a nation of the earth guilty of practices more shocking and bloody than are the people of these United States at this very hour.

Go search where you will, roam through all the monarchies and despotisms of the Old World, travel through South America, search out every abuse and when you have found the last, lay your facts by the side of the everyday practices of this nation, and you will say with me that, for revolting barbarity and shameless hypocrisy, America reigns without a rival.

Frederick Douglass – July 4, 1852

Thursday, June 18, 2015


prayNORTH CAROLINA-(BASN)-With the recent terrorist act in Charleston, SC, where a young 21-year old white male, named Dylan Roof, who after sitting for hours in a Bible study at the historic Emanuel AME Church,  which was first built in 1791 by a congregation of Freemen and "slaves",  devilishly opened fire and shot nine innocent churchgoers, while allegedly telling them before killing them, "You rape our women and you're taking over our country. And you have to go."

With this act of evil, we, the staff of, offer this prayer from the Book of Psalm Chapter 109 verse 1-31, especially for the members of the oldest AME church in the South, where the Revolutionary Denmark Vesey once was a member.

Vesey, of course, himself, a former slave from Charleston, South Carolina planned a major slave revolt in 1822, in order to liberate other " tortured kidnapped victim"(slaves), and sail them to the Black republic of Haiti for refuge.

Unfortunately, for Vesey and his band of liberators, his revolutionary act, was leaked to city officials and he was arrested, prosecuted, and executed by hanging on July 2, 1822 and the church was later burned.

With that said, let us pray

anger31. My God, whom I praise, do not remain silent, for people who are wicked and deceitful have opened their mouths against me; they have spoken against me with lying tongues.
With words of hatred they surround me; they attack me without cause.
In return for my friendship they accuse me, but I am a man of prayer. They repay me evil for good, and hatred for my friendship.
Appoint someone evil to oppose my enemy;let an accuser stand at his right hand.
When he is tried, let him be found guilty,and may his prayers condemn him.
May his days be few; may another take his place of leadership.
May his children be fatherless and his wife a widow.
May his children be wandering beggars; may they be driven from their ruined homes.
May a creditor seize all he has;may strangers plunder the fruits of his labor.
May no one extend kindness to him or take pity on his fatherless children.
May his descendants be cut off, their names blotted out from the next generation.
May the iniquity of his fathers be remembered before the Lord; may the sin of his mother never be blotted out.
15 May their sins always remain before the Lord, that he may blot out their name from the earth.

Here are the names of the innocence victims of this act of evil at the hand of this devil, which was provided by the  Washington Post.
  • Rev. Clementa Pinckney, 41, was the church’s pastor and a South Carolina state senator.
  • Depayne Middleton Doctor, 49, sang in the church choir, the Charleston newspaper reported.
  • Ethel Lance, 70, worked for 30 years at the church, a relative told the Post and Courier.
  • Susie Jackson, 87, a longtime church member, was Lance’s cousin, the newspaper reported.
  • Cynthia Hurd, 54, was branch manager of the St. Andrews Regional Library, just a few miles from the church where she was killed. 
  • Tywanza Sanders, 26, was a 2014 graduate of Charleston’s Allen University.
  • Rev. Sharonda Coleman-Singleton, 45, was a church pastor and high school track and field coach, according to the Post and Courier.
  • Myra Thompson, 59, was an active member of Delta Sigma Theta Sorority, according to the Greenville News
  • Rev. Daniel Simmons Sr., 74, who died at a hospital, was a retired pastor from another Charleston church, ABC News reported.

Eric D. Graham is a graduate of Winston-Salem State University, where he received a B.A. in Mass Communication with a concentration in Radio and Television and a minor in History, with an emphasis in African-American Studies. Currently, he is the Managing Editor at BASN, where his articles appear daily, along with his controversial cartoon character Bobbee Bee “The Hater.”Graham can be reached at

Tuesday, June 16, 2015


bills“Here's to the crazy ones. The misfits. The rebels. The troublemakers. The round pegs in the square holes. The ones who see things differently. They're not fond of rules. And they have no respect for the status quo.
You can quote them, disagree with them, glorify or vilify them. About the only thing you can't do is ignore them.
Because they change things. They push the human race forward. And while some may see them as the crazy ones, we see genius.
Because the people who are crazy enough to think they can change the world, are the ones who do.”

Monday, June 15, 2015


colorAccording to four-time Grammy Award nominated Jewel Kilcher, who has sold over 27 million albums worldwide-"poetry is the most honest and immediate art form."

Why? Because, "It is raw and unfiltered... a vital, creative expression that deserves to find greater forums, to be more highly valued, understood, and utilized in our culture and in our lives."

Therefore,  if " poetry stirs the Divine within us and whispers to all the things that there are no words for....", the Hip-Hop community as well as music lovers,in general, should prepare themselves for the highly anticipated album Pocket Full of Ghetto Poems: The Making of a Hip-Hop Classic. from the self-proclaimed North Carolina born-Black Poetry writer, Eric D. Graham.

With the latest sneak peak into his album entitled TOO MCs and NOT ENOUGH recently being released on, Graham proves that he is ready for Hip-Hop stardom. Plus, he proves he can deliver lyrical content worthy of him being considered a "true" Hip-Hop artist. If you don't believe me, take a listen for yourself.....

If you like to  be put on the pre-ordered list to get a autographed copy of Pocket Full of Ghetto Poems:The Making of a Hip-Hop Classic please contact us at

Thursday, June 11, 2015


As a working class, Black/Latino who went to public school and wanted to go to college
No one in my family knew what to do about college, all they knew was that they wanted me to go to one. Here’s a short list of things I wished someone had told me (this list is mainly geared toward POC):

1. If your grades are bad coming out of high school, but you want to go to a highly selective college, you can always go to a community college, earn good grades, then transfer to a 4-year school.

2. Schools in your state that are considered state colleges usually offer lower tuition to in-state residents. Many states also offer more financial aid to residents going to in-state schools.

3. Once you are in college, you can ask professors for extensions if you don’t think you will finish a paper in time. Some schools will give you an “incomplete” in the class and allow you to finish the work by the following semester. When the work for the class is complete, they will replace the “incomplete” with the grade you earned.

4. Online scholarship resources don’t usually have lists of all the scholarships and grants that exist for students. Take some time to sit with scholarship books in your local library. Take a notebook or your laptop, phone, tablet, etc. for note-taking. Take down deadlines and application requirements. You will have to write an essay for many of them.

***You might live near a Foundation Center Regional Center ( that is also a huge help with finding funding for all sorts of things. Check their website to see if you live near one.

5. If you plan to become a professor one day, check to see if the colleges that you are interested in are institutions that participate in the McNair Scholars Program or the Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship. Both of these programs are geared toward providing students of color and students from underrepresented communities with the academic support and research knowledge they will need to become researchers in their fields and prepared professors. Both programs also provide funding, including funding to attend or present at conferences. They also help you find funding for outside programs, grad school, and sometimes GRE prep and testing.

6. Not all graduate programs require a GRE!!! This is so important because some tests are not for everyone, and it doesn’t mean that you don’t deserve to be an English professor or a high school math teacher if you have anxiety about the GRE. Look for graduate schools that don’t require these exams if you fear you won’t perform well on them.

7. Graduate school can be expensive, BUT if doesn’t have to be. If you meet the requirements for a grad school program, they might offer you full tuition AND an additional living stipend. Lots of graduate schools have grants that they offer to students to whom they offer enrollment.

ALSO, if you get an offer from two different graduate schools, but the school you really want to go to is offering less money than the other, you can often negotiate more money out of your choice school. For example, School A is your first choice and offers you full tuition and a $15,000 living stipend, but School B offers you full tuition and $20,000, you can ask School A if they can offer you money to match School B. This doesn’t always happen/work, but it doesn’t hurt to try.

8. School can be emotionally, mentally, spiritually, and physically draining. This is super important because many people struggle to find balance while dealing with undiagnosed mental illnesses, especially if you’re like me and come from a family where counseling is frowned upon and mental illness is called “overreacting.”

Lots of schools offer counseling services or therapy sessions to students. If your school doesn’t, find hotlines that allow you to talk with someone (National Suicide Prevention Lifeline 1 (800) 273-8255; Trans Lifeline 877-565-8860). If you draw strength from faith, try to find a faith community near the campus that you can worship with and possibly receive faith-based counseling from.

If you feel like you need a break from school for a while, some schools offer a medical leave of absence or a semester off. You can use the semester or year off to relax and regroup. Some schools, not all, require that you also see a mental or medical health professional during this time who can treat you and let the school know whether you are fit to return.

9. Some schools offer combined undergraduate and graduate degrees. You may have to do a little research to find out if the school you want offers it, but if it does, you can earn your bachelors and masters degree in a combined amount of time (usually 5 years).

10. Many PhD programs accept students who have just finished their undergraduate degree and who don’t yet have a masters. I used to think that you had to earn a masters and phd separately. Some PhD programs are open to people with their masters degrees, but some have the masters degree built-in and they will accept your undergraduate education.

Some other thoughts:
- If your school has a gym, it might be a good source of free stress relief if you are able to use it and if you like working out.

- If you are worried about the material in a course, find a tutor. Some schools have tutors or teaching assistants who can help. If your professor has office hours, go to them and ask them how you can improve your grade or where you can get tutoring.

- Join an extracurricular (sports, choirs, clubs, etc.) that you like and where you get along with the people. This can serve as a social safety net or a source of good friendships.

- if you are an undocumented resident, there are scholarships that you can apply for for college also. check every scholarship you come across to see what the citizenship requirements are. you may be eligible for more scholarships than the ones that openly advertise it.


by Eric D.Graham- North Carolina-(BASN)-The Broad Street Bully is back!!! A.K.A. Bobbee Bee "The Hater" for Game 4 of the NBA Finals between the Cleveland Cavaliers and the Golden State Warriors. Like always, Bobbee Bee does not shy away from any of the hot topics that are currently being debated on the Nightly News or in the Barber Shops. So, get prepared to laugh out loud as the #1 Cartoon on the Net answers your questions.
1. Do you think Steph Curry is a great shooter?
NO!! He just be throwin' Sh#* Up!!

2. Who is the series MVP so far in the NBA Finals?

Without question, Cleveland's Matthew DellaDova. I mean, this dude is willing to kill himself in order to get Lebron James another Championship ring!!!

3. Who are you cheering for?
I HATE to say this but I going for the Cleveland Cavaliers. Besides, Lebron James is too strong for them young boys.
4. Do you like Cavs Iman Shumpert's hairdo?
Yes!!! But, with all of that hair, he should lend some of it to LBJ to cover-up his bald spot
5. Please talk about Bruce Jenner's Vanity Fair Magazine Cover?
Listen, Bruce Jenner, you can blink his eyes, tug and hide, between his thighs, and pretend to be a woman inside. But in the end, his still has MAN HANDS!!!
6. Who will Floyd Mayweather fight next?
I don't know. But, he should fight Manny Pacquiao one more time in the Philippines for $1 billion.

7. What advice to you have for Bruce Jenner during his transformation?

Stay away from Bill Cosby and Tiger Woods!!!!

 8. Who do you blame for all of this Bruce Jenner mess?

Comedian Steve Harvey!! Why? Because, he should have never written that stupid book.

 9. What do you think Bruce Jenner will do next?

He will date a Black NFL Football player, or maybe a Black NBA basketball player , or maybe a Black rapper.
10. Did you see Baron Davis on ESPN's lst Take?
Yes!! Dude, looked like he was from Compton for real. N.W.A. all the way!! (laugh) 
11. What is the Chip Kelly Disease?
The Chip Kelly Disease is every time you step in the room, you think you are the smartest person in the room. I know a lot of people, currently, right now, who have a bad case of it.
12. Do you think Bill Cosby will ever go to jail for "allegedly" raping all of those women?
Hey, forget about Bill Cosby!!!! Somebody needs to arrest Woody Allen!!!

13. Did you see the Mayweather/ Pacquiao fight?

Yes!!! And, bro, I have seen better fights on World Star Hip-Hop....

Eric D. Graham is a graduate of Winston-Salem State University, where he received a B.A. in Mass Communication with a concentration in Radio and Television and a minor in History, with an emphasis in African-American Studies. Currently, he is the Managing Editor at BASN, where his articles appear daily, along with his controversial cartoon character Bobbee Bee “The Hater.”Graham can be reached at

Thursday, May 21, 2015


Decision 1: I do not downsize my dreams.

Perhaps Mark Twain said it best: Twenty years from now you will be more disappointed by the things that you didn't do than by the ones you did." It isn't the things we did that we most regret; it's the things we didn't do.

To succeed at a high level, you must start expecting more.

Even when you don't get everything you expect, you'll get a whole lot more than if you were expecting nothing at all.

The moment you choose to settle, you guarantee you'll never achieve your real dream. Choose faith over fear.

Decision 2: I focus on solutions, not problem.

The bigger you dream, the more opportunity for obstacles, challenges and problems. Choose a mindset that sees these problems as opportunities for growth, and you will eventually walk into your vision.

Decision 3: I choose to be authentic.

Be yourself. Who else can you be? It takes less effort and energy to be yourself, but it also takes courage. Fear that you will not be accepted or approved just as you are can lead you to send your "representative" out into the world. She looks like the real you, but she's not. She's a counterfeit, and whatever success she has built on false pretenses that you must keep up to maintain success.

Decision 4: I choose courage over fear.

Like problems, fear is evitable. But it's not a stop sign. Fear is the most common obstacle to achieving true success and happiness. Fear tempts you to shrink from your authentic desires. It causes you to rationalize yourself out of a great idea. It leads you to pretend you don't really want what you really do want. Refuse to succumb to it. Make a decision that fear won't keep you stuck. Expect to feel fear. And when you feel it, keep moving forward.

Decision 5: I choose relationships wisely and nurture them intentionally.

Success doesn't occur in a vacuum. You need people, and they need you. Those with a strong support system have the resources that open doors of opportunity and empower them to manage any challenge. Don't go it alone.
Decision 6: I actively seed feedback and use it to grow.
You need people around you who tell you the truth. Resilient people know this. And even when they don't like what they hear, they listen, process it and ask themselves, 'Is there a grain of truth to this feedback, even if it's negative? Be humble, and use failures and mistakes as learning tools. Put yourself around people who know more than you, and learn all you can from them.

Decision 7: I know my purpose and take daily action in the direction of my vision.

Consistency is key. If you continually take steps in the right direction, you will eventually arrive at your destination.

by Valorie Burton, who is a best-selling author and founder of the Coaching and Positive Psychology Institute.

BOBBEE BEE: By Any Means Necessary": Remembering Malcolm X on His 90th Birthday

by Malcolm X

And during the few moments that we have left, we want to have just an off-the-cuff chat between you and me -- us. We want to talk right down to earth in a language that everybody here can easily understand. We all agree tonight, all of the speakers have agreed, that America has a very serious problem. Not only does America have a very serious problem, but our people have a very serious problem. America's problem is us. We're her problem. The only reason she has a problem is she doesn't want us here. And every time you look at yourself, be you black, brown, red, or yellow -- a so-called Negro -- you represent a person who poses such a serious problem for America because you're not wanted. Once you face this as a fact, then you can start plotting a course that will make you appear intelligent, instead of unintelligent.

What you and I need to do is learn to forget our differences. When we come together, we don't come together as Baptists or Methodists. You don't catch hell 'cause you're a Baptist, and you don't catch hell 'cause you're a Methodist. You don't catch hell 'cause you're a Methodist or Baptist. You don't catch hell because you're a Democrat or a Republican. You don't catch hell because you're a Mason or an Elk. And you sure don't catch hell 'cause you're an American; 'cause if you was an American, you wouldn't catch no hell.

You catch hell 'cause you're a black man.

You catch hell, all of us catch hell, for the same reason. So we are all black people, so-called Negroes, second-class citizens, ex-slaves. You are nothing but a [sic] ex-slave. You don't like to be told that. But what else are you? You are ex-slaves. You didn't come here on the "Mayflower." You came here on a slave ship -- in chains, like a horse, or a cow, or a chicken. And you were brought here by the people who came here on the "Mayflower." You were brought here by the so-called Pilgrims, or Founding Fathers. They were the ones who brought you here. We have a common enemy.

We have this in common: We have a common oppressor, a common exploiter, and a common discriminator. But once we all realize that we have this common enemy, then we unite on the basis of what we have in common.

And what we have foremost in common is that enemy -- the white man. He's an enemy to all of us. I know some of you all think that some of them aren't enemies.

Time will tell.


In Bandung back in, I think, 1954, was the first unity meeting in centuries of black people. And once you study what happened at the Bandung conference, and the results of the Bandung conference, it actually serves as a model for the same procedure you and I can use to get our problems solved. At Bandung all the nations came together.

Their were dark nations from Africa and Asia. Some of them were Buddhists. Some of them were Muslim.

Some of them were Christians.

Some of them were Confucianists; some were atheists.

Despite their religious differences, they came together. Some were communists; some were socialists; some were capitalists.

Despite their economic and political differences, they came together. All of them were black, brown, red, or yellow.

The number-one thing that was not allowed to attend the Bandung conference was the white man. He couldn't come.

Once they excluded the white man, they found that they could get together. Once they kept him out, everybody else fell right in and fell in line.

This is the thing that you and I have to understand. And these people who came together didn't have nuclear weapons; they didn't have jet planes; they didn't have all of the heavy armaments that the white man has.

But they had unity.

They were able to submerge their little petty differences and agree on one thing: That though one African came from Kenya and was being colonized by the Englishman, and another African came from the Congo and was being colonized by the Belgian, and another African came from Guinea and was being colonized by the French, and another came from Angola and was being colonized by the Portuguese.

When they came to the Bandung conference, they looked at the Portuguese, and at the Frenchman, and at the Englishman, and at the other -- Dutchman -- and learned or realized that the one thing that all of them had in common: they were all from Europe, they were all Europeans, blond, blue-eyed and white-skinned.

They began to recognize who their enemy was.

The same man that was colonizing our people in Kenya was colonizing our people in the Congo. The same one in the Congo was colonizing our people in South Africa, and in Southern Rhodesia, and in Burma, and in India, and in Afghanistan, and in Pakistan. They realized all over the world where the dark man was being oppressed, he was being oppressed by the white man; where the dark man was being exploited, he was being exploited by the white man. So they got together under this basis -- that they had a common enemy.

And when you and I here in Detroit and in Michigan and in America who have been awakened today look around us, we too realize here in America we all have a common enemy, whether he's in Georgia or Michigan, whether he's in California or New York. He's the same man: blue eyes and blond hair and pale skin -- same man. So what we have to do is what they did. They agreed to stop quarreling among themselves.

Any little spat that they had, they'd settle it among themselves, go into a huddle -- don't let the enemy know that you got [sic] a disagreement. Instead of us airing our differences in public, we have to realize we're all the same family.

And when you have a family squabble, you don't get out on the sidewalk. If you do, everybody calls you uncouth, unrefined, uncivilized, savage. If you don't make it at home, you settle it at home; you get in the closet -- argue it out behind closed doors. And then when you come out on the street, you pose a common front, a united front. And this is what we need to do in the community, and in the city, and in the state.

We need to stop airing our differences in front of the white man. Put the white man out of our meetings, number one, and then sit down and talk shop with each other. [That's] all you gotta do. I would like to make a few comments concerning the difference between the black revolution and the Negro revolution.

There's a difference.

Are they both the same?

And if they're not, what is the difference?

What is the difference between a black revolution and a Negro revolution? First, what is a revolution? Sometimes I'm inclined to believe that many of our people are using this word "revolution" loosely, without taking careful consideration [of] what this word actually means, and what its historic characteristics are.


When you study the historic nature of revolutions, the motive of a revolution, the objective of a revolution, and the result of a revolution, and the methods used in a revolution, you may change words.
You may devise another program. You may change your goal and you may change your mind. Look at the American Revolution in 1776.

That revolution was for what? For land.

Why did they want land? Independence.

How was it carried out? Bloodshed.

Number one, it was based on land, the basis of independence.

And the only way they could get it was bloodshed.

The French Revolution -- what was it based on? The land-less against the landlord. What was it for? Land. How did they get it? Bloodshed.

Was no love lost; was no compromise; was no negotiation.

I'm telling you, you don't know what a revolution is. 'Cause when you find out what it is, you'll get back in the alley; you'll get out of the way. The Russian Revolution -- what was it based on? Land. The land-less against the landlord. How did they bring it about? Bloodshed. You haven't got a revolution that doesn't involve bloodshed.

And you're afraid to bleed. I said, you're afraid to bleed. [As] long as the white man sent you to Korea, you bled. He sent you to Germany, you bled. He sent you to the South Pacific to fight the Japanese, you bled. You bleed for white people.

But when it comes time to seeing your own churches being bombed and little black girls be murdered, you haven't got no blood.

You bleed when the white man says bleed; you bite when the white man says bite; and you bark when the white man says bark. I hate to say this about us, but it's true. How are you going to be nonviolent in Mississippi, as violent as you were in Korea?

How can you justify being nonviolent in Mississippi and Alabama, when your churches are being bombed, and your little girls are being murdered, and at the same time you're going to violent with Hitler, and Tojo, and somebody else that you don't even know?

If violence is wrong in America, violence is wrong abroad.

If it's wrong to be violent defending black women and black children and black babies and black men, then it's wrong for America to draft us and make us violent abroad in defense of her. And if it is right for America to draft us, and teach us how to be violent in defense of her, then it is right for you and me to do whatever is necessary to defend our own people right here in this country. The Chinese Revolution -- they wanted land.

They threw the British out, along with the Uncle Tom Chinese. Yeah, they did. They set a good example. When I was in prison, I read an article -- don't be shocked when I say I was in prison. You're still in prison. That's what America means: prison. When I was in prison, I read an article in

Life magazine showing a little Chinese girl, nine years old; her father was on his hands and knees and she was pulling the trigger 'cause he was an Uncle Tom Chinaman, When they had the revolution over there, they took a whole generation of Uncle Toms -- just wiped them out. And within ten years that little girl become [sic] a full-grown woman. No more Toms in China. And today it's one of the toughest, roughest, most feared countries on this earth -- by the white man. 'Cause there are no Uncle Toms over there.

*Of all our studies, history is best qualified to reward our research. And when you see that you've got problems, all you have to do is examine the historic method used all over the world by others who have problems similar to yours. And once you see how they got theirs straight, then you know how you can get yours straight.

There's been a revolution, a black revolution, going on in Africa.

In Kenya, the Mau Mau were revolutionaries; they were the ones who made the word "Uhuru" [Kenyan word for "freedom"]. They were the ones who brought it to the fore. The Mau Mau, they were revolutionaries.

They believed in scorched earth. They knocked everything aside that got in their way, and their revolution also was based on land, a desire for land. In Algeria, the northern part of Africa, a revolution took place.

The Algerians were revolutionists; they wanted land. France offered to let them be integrated into France. They told France: to hell with France. They wanted some land, not some France. And they engaged in a bloody battle.

So I cite these various revolutions, brothers and sisters, to show you -- you don't have a peaceful revolution.

You don't have a turn-the-other-cheek revolution.

There's no such thing as a nonviolent revolution.

[The] only kind of revolution that's nonviolent is the Negro revolution. The only revolution based on loving your enemy is the Negro revolution.

The only revolution in which the goal is a desegregated lunch counter, a desegregated theater, a desegregated park, and a desegregated public toilet; you can sit down next to white folks on the toilet. That's no revolution.


Revolution is based on land.

Land is the basis of all independence.

Land is the basis of freedom, justice, and equality.

The white man knows what a revolution is.

He knows that the black revolution is world-wide in scope and in nature. The black revolution is sweeping Asia, sweeping Africa, is rearing its head in Latin America. The Cuban Revolution -- that's a revolution.

They overturned the system.

Revolution is in Asia.

Revolution is in Africa.

And the white man is screaming because he sees revolution in Latin America. How do you think he'll react to you when you learn what a real revolution is?

You don't know what a revolution is.

If you did, you wouldn't use that word. A revolution is bloody. Revolution is hostile. Revolution knows no compromise. Revolution overturns and destroys everything that gets in its way.

And you, sitting around here like a knot on the wall, saying, "I'm going to love these folks no matter how much they hate me." No, you need a revolution. Whoever heard of a revolution where they lock arms, as Reverend Cleage was pointing out beautifully, singing "We Shall Overcome"? Just tell me.

You don't do that in a revolution.

You don't do any singing; you're too busy swinging.

It's based on land.

A revolutionary wants land so he can set up his own nation, an independent nation. These Negroes aren't asking for no nation.

They're trying to crawl back on the plantation.

When you want a nation, that's called nationalism. When the white man became involved in a revolution in this country against England, what was it for? He wanted this land so he could set up another white nation.

That's white nationalism.

The American Revolution was white nationalism.

The French Revolution was white nationalism.

The Russian Revolution too -- yes, it was -- white nationalism.

You don't think so? Why [do] you think Khrushchev and Mao can't get their heads together? White nationalism. All the revolutions that's going on in Asia and Africa today are based on what? Black nationalism. A revolutionary is a black nationalist.

He wants a nation.

I was reading some beautiful words by Reverend Cleage, pointing out why he couldn't get together with someone else here in the city because all of them were afraid of being identified with black nationalism.

If you're afraid of black nationalism, you're afraid of revolution. And if you love revolution, you love black nationalism. To understand this, you have to go back to what [the] young brother here referred to as the house Negro and the field Negro -- back during slavery.


There was two kinds of slaves. There was the house Negro and the field Negro. The house Negroes - they lived in the house with master, they dressed pretty good, they ate good 'cause they ate his food -- what he left.

They lived in the attic or the basement, but still they lived near the master; and they loved their master more than the master loved himself. They would give their life to save the master's house quicker than the master would.

The house Negro, if the master said, "We got a good house here," the house Negro would say, "Yeah, we got a good house here." Whenever the master said "we," he said "we." That's how you can tell a house Negro. If the master's house caught on fire, the house Negro would fight harder to put the blaze out than the master would. If the master got sick, the house Negro would say, "What's the matter, boss, we sick?"

We sick! He identified himself with his master more than his master identified with himself. And if you came to the house Negro and said, "Let's run away, let's escape, let's separate," the house Negro would look at you and say, "Man, you crazy. What you mean, separate? Where is there a better house than this? Where can I wear better clothes than this? Where can I eat better food than this?" That was that house Negro.

In those days he was called a "house nigger." And that's what we call him today, because we've still got some house niggers running around here.

This modern house Negro loves his master. He wants to live near him. He'll pay three times as much as the house is worth just to live near his master, and then brag about "I'm the only Negro out here."

"I'm the only one on my job." "I'm the only one in this school." You're nothing but a house Negro. And if someone comes to you right now and says, "Let's separate," you say the same thing that the house Negro said on the plantation.

"What you mean, separate? From America?

This good white man? Where you going to get a better job than you get here?" I mean, this is what you say. "I ain't left nothing in Africa," that's what you say. Why, you left your mind in Africa. On that same plantation, there was the field Negro.

The field Negro -- those were the masses. There were always more Negroes in the field than there was Negroes in the house.

The Negro in the field caught hell. He ate leftovers. In the house they ate high up on the hog. The Negro in the field didn't get nothing but what was left of the insides of the hog. They call 'em "chitt'lings" nowadays. In those days they called them what they were: guts. That's what you were -- a gut-eater. And some of you all still gut-eaters.

*The field Negro was beaten from morning to night. He lived in a shack, in a hut; He wore old, castoff clothes. He hated his master. I say he hated his master. He was intelligent. That house Negro loved his master.

But that field Negro -- remember, they were in the majority, and they hated the master. When the house caught on fire, he didn't try and put it out; that field Negro prayed for a wind, for a breeze. When the master got sick, the field Negro prayed that he'd die. If someone come [sic] to the field Negro and said, "Let's separate, let's run," he didn't say "Where we going?" He'd say, "Any place is better than here." You've got field Negroes in America today. I'm a field Negro. The masses are the field Negroes. When they see this man's house on fire, you don't hear these little Negroes talking about "our government is in trouble." They say, "The government is in trouble." Imagine a Negro: "Our government"! I even heard one say "our astronauts." They won't even let him near the plant -- and "our astronauts"! "Our Navy" -- that's a Negro that's out of his mind. That's a Negro that's out of his mind. Just as the slavemaster of that day used Tom, the house Negro, to keep the field Negroes in check, the same old slavemaster today has Negroes who are nothing but modern Uncle Toms, 20th century Uncle Toms, to keep you and me in check, keep us under control, keep us passive and peaceful and nonviolent.

That's Tom making you nonviolent. It's like when you go to the dentist, and the man's going to take your tooth. You're going to fight him when he starts pulling. So he squirts some stuff in your jaw called novocaine, to make you think they're not doing anything to you. So you sit there and 'cause you've got all of that novocaine in your jaw, you suffer peacefully. Blood running all down your jaw, and you don't know what's happening.

'Cause someone has taught you to suffer -- peacefully.

The white man do the same thing to you in the street, when he want [sic] to put knots on your head and take advantage of you and don't have to be afraid of your fighting back. To keep you from fighting back, he gets these old religious Uncle Toms to teach you and me, just like novocaine, suffer peacefully. Don't stop suffering -- just suffer peacefully. As Reverend Cleage pointed out, "Let your blood flow In the streets." This is a shame.

And you know he's a Christian preacher.

If it's a shame to him, you know what it is to me. There's nothing in our book, the Quran -- you call it "Ko-ran" -- that teaches us to suffer peacefully. Our religion teaches us to be intelligent. Be peaceful, be courteous, obey the law, respect everyone; but if someone puts his hand on you, send him to the cemetery. That's a good religion.

In fact, that's that old-time religion.

That's the one that Ma and Pa used to talk about: an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth, and a head for a head, and a life for a life: That's a good religion. And doesn't nobody resent that kind of religion being taught but a wolf, who intends to make you his meal. This is the way it is with the white man in America.


He's a wolf and you're sheep.

Any time a shepherd, a pastor, teach [sic] you and me not to run from the white man and, at the same time, teach [sic] us not to fight the white man, he's a traitor to you and me. Don't lay down our life all by itself.

No, preserve your life. it's the best thing you got.

And if you got to give it up, let it be even-steven. The slavemaster took Tom and dressed him well, and fed him well, and even gave him a little education -- a little education; gave him a long coat and a top hat and made all the other slaves look up to him. Then he used Tom to control them. The same strategy that was used in those days is used today, by the same white man. He takes a Negro, a so-called Negro, and make [sic] him prominent, build [sic] him up, publicize [sic] him, make [sic] him a celebrity.

And then he becomes a spokesman for Negroes -- and a Negro leader. I would like to just mention just one other thing else quickly, and that is the method that the white man uses, how the white man uses these "big guns," or Negro leaders, against the black revolution. They are not a part of the Negro revolution.

They are used against the Negro revolution.

When Martin Luther King failed to desegregate Albany, Georgia, the civil-rights struggle in America reached its low point. King became bankrupt almost, as a leader. Plus, even financially, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference was in financial trouble; plus it was in trouble, period, with the people when they failed to desegregate Albany, Georgia. Other Negro civil-rights leaders of so-called national stature became fallen idols. As they became fallen idols, began to lose their prestige and influence, local Negro leaders began to stir up the masses. In Cambridge, Maryland, Gloria Richardson; in Danville, Virginia, and other parts of the country, local leaders began to stir up our people at the grassroots level.

This was never done by these Negroes, whom you recognize, of national stature. They controlled you, but they never incited you or excited you. They controlled you; they contained you; they kept you on the plantation.

As soon as King failed in Birmingham, Negroes took to the streets. King got out and went out to California to a big rally and raised about -- I don't know how many thousands of dollars. [He] come [sic] to Detroit and had a march and raised some more thousands of dollars. And recall, right after that [Roy] Wilkins attacked King, accused King and the CORE [Congress Of Racial Equality] of starting trouble everywhere and then making the NAACP [National Association for the Advancement of Colored People] get them out of jail and spend a lot of money; and then they accused King and CORE of raising all the money and not paying it back. This happened; I've got it in documented evidence in the newspaper.

Roy started attacking King, and King started attacking Roy, and Farmer started attacking both of them. And as these Negroes of national stature began to attack each other, they began to lose their control of the Negro masses.

And Negroes was [sic] out there in the streets. They was [sic] talking about [how] we was [sic] going to march on Washington. By the way, right at that time Birmingham had exploded, and the Negroes in Birmingham -- remember, they also exploded. They began to stab the crackers in the back and bust them up 'side their head -- yes, they did.

That's when Kennedy sent in the troops, down in Birmingham. So, and right after that, Kennedy got on the television and said "this is a moral issue." That's when he said he was going to put out a civil-rights bill. And when he mentioned civil-rights bill and the Southern crackers started talking about [how] they were going to boycott or filibuster it, then the Negroes started talking -- about what?

We're going to march on Washington, march on the Senate, march on the White House, march on the Congress, and tie it up, bring it to a halt; don't let the government proceed. They even said they was [sic] going out to the airport and lay down on the runway and don't let no airplanes land. I'm telling you what they said.

That was revolution.

That was revolution.

That was the black revolution.
It was the grass roots out there in the street.

[It] scared the white man to death, scared the white power structure in Washington, D. C. to death; I was there.


When they found out that this black steamroller was going to come down on the capital, they called in Wilkins; they called in Randolph; they called in these national Negro leaders that you respect and told them, "Call it off." Kennedy said, "Look, you all letting this thing go too far." And Old Tom said, "Boss, I can't stop it, because I didn't start it."

I'm telling you what they said. They said, "I'm not even in it, much less at the head of it." They said, "These Negroes are doing things on their own. They're running ahead of us." And that old shrewd fox, he said, "Well If you all aren't in it, I'll put you in it. I'll put you at the head of it. I'll endorse it.

I'll welcome it.

I'll help it.
I'll join it."

A matter of hours went by.

They had a meeting at the Carlyle Hotel in New York City.

 The Carlyle Hotel is owned by the Kennedy family; that's the hotel Kennedy spent the night at, two nights ago; [it] belongs to his family. A philanthropic society headed by a white man named Stephen Currier called all the top civil-rights leaders together at the Carlyle Hotel. And he told them that, "By you all fighting each other, you are destroying the civil-rights movement. And since you're fighting over money from white liberals, let us set up what is known as the Council for United Civil Rights Leadership.

Let's form this council, and all the civil-rights organizations will belong to it, and we'll use it for fund-raising purposes." Let me show you how tricky the white man is. And as soon as they got it formed, they elected Whitney Young as the chairman, and who [do] you think became the co-chairman?

Stephen Currier, the white man, a millionaire. Powell was talking about it down at the Cobo [Hall] today. This is what he was talking about. Powell knows it happened. Randolph knows it happened. Wilkins knows it happened.

King knows it happened.

Everyone of that so-called Big Six -- they know what happened.


Once they formed it, with the white man over it, he promised them and gave them $800,000 to split up between the Big Six; and told them that after the march was over they'd give them $700,000 more. A million and a half dollars -- split up between leaders that you've been following, going to jail for, crying crocodile tears for. And they're nothing but Frank James and Jesse James and the what-do-you-call-'em brothers. [As] soon as they got the setup organized, the white man made available to them top public relations experts; opened the news media across the country at their disposal; and then they begin [sic] to project these Big Six as the leaders of the march. Originally, they weren't even in the march.

You was [sic ] talking this march talk on Hastings Street -- Is Hastings Street still here? -- on Hasting Street. You was [sic] talking the march talk on Lenox Avenue, and out on -- What you call it? -- Fillmore Street, and Central Avenue, and 32nd Street and 63rd Street. That's where the march talk was being talked.

But the white man put the Big Six [at the] head of it; made them the march. They became the march. They took it over. And the first move they made after they took it over, they invited Walter Reuther, a white man; they invited a priest, a rabbi, and an old white preacher. Yes, an old white preacher. The same white element that put Kennedy in power -- labor, the Catholics, the Jews, and liberal Protestants; [the] same clique that put Kennedy in power, joined the march on Washington. It's just like when you've got some coffee that's too black, which means it's too strong. What you do? You integrate it with cream; you make it weak. If you pour too much cream in, you won't even know you ever had coffee. It used to be hot, it becomes cool. It used to be strong, it becomes weak. It used to wake you up, now it'll put you to sleep.

This is what they did with the march on Washington. They joined it. They didn't integrate it; they infiltrated it.

They joined it, became a part of it, took it over. And as they took it over, it lost its militancy.

They ceased to be angry. They ceased to be hot. They ceased to be uncompromising. Why, it even ceased to be a march.

It became a picnic, a circus.

Nothing but a circus, with clowns and all. You had one right here in Detroit -- I saw it on television -- with clowns leading it, white clowns and black clowns. I know you don't like what I'm saying, but I'm going to tell you anyway.

'Cause I can prove what I'm saying. If you think I'm telling you wrong, you bring me Martin Luther King and A. Philip Randolph and James Farmer and those other three, and see if they'll deny it over a microphone.

No, it was a sellout. It was a takeover. When James Baldwin came in from Paris, they wouldn't let him talk, 'cause they couldn't make him go by the script. Burt Lancaster read the speech that Baldwin was supposed to make; they wouldn't let Baldwin get up there, 'cause they know Baldwin's liable to say anything.

They controlled it so tight -- they told those Negroes what time to hit town, how to come, where to stop, what signs to carry, what song to sing*, what speech they could make, and what speech they couldn't make; and then told them to get out town by sundown. And everyone of those Toms was out of town by sundown.

Now I know you don't like my saying this. But I can back it up. It was a circus, a performance that beat anything Hollywood could ever do, the performance of the year. Reuther and those other three devils should get a Academy Award for the best actors 'cause they acted like they really loved Negroes and fooled a whole lot of Negroes.

And the six Negro leaders should get an award too, for the best supporting cast.